Papers

THE LABOR MEDIA: FLAWED BUT INDISPENSABLE
By Dick Meister

Union newspapers, magazines and websites are flawed, they¹re diminishing in
number and they often get relatively little attention. But good or bad,
widely read or not, they are essential tools in the struggle of working
people for economic and social justice.

Who else will approach the important issues of the day from the worker¹s
point of view? Cover matters of particular interest to workers, including
the activities of their unions, that are ignored or ineptly covered by most
of the mainstream media?

Who else will counter the mainstream media¹s overwhelmingly pro-management,
anti-labor bias? Who else will act as an advocate for unions and their
members?

Of course there are non-mainstream media friendly to labor, but they are
heavily outnumbered by the generally unfriendly mainstream media.

The need for an independent labor media is obvious, but so is the need ­and
it¹s a great need ­ to correct the flaws that are common to many union
publications. One of their greatest flaws, surely, is that as advocates,
they usually take the simplistic and unconvincing approach that the union is
always right, management and the union¹s political opponents always wrong.

Former AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland had good advice for labor editors on
that score: "The soap box, okay ­ the pedestal, no."

In too many cases, however, a publication¹s soap box is used solely as a
platform for the union¹s officers. Those outlets become simply
the voice of incumbent leaders, tools designed to help them remain in
office. They are full of photos of the officers, quotes from them and
reports of their activities, with virtually every advance of the
union attributed to them, every setback blamed on outsiders.

That stems in part from a service club approach to unions frequently taken
by union members and leaders alike. The leaders treat members as people to
be sold something, telling them, in story after story, what wonderful
services they¹re getting in exchange for their dues but only rarely
attempting to involve them in making union policy and otherwise developing
those services.

There¹s no space for criticism of where the union is being led, or for any
other material that might stir up internal controversy and debate. There¹s
no space for the dissenting views of members, other unions or anyone else,
or even for much news of what rank-and-filers might be doing.

There are exceptions, of course, but even the best union outlets stress
what the union and its officers are saying and doing over what the members
are saying and doing.

Shifting priorities to devote far more attention to the work, activities and
viewpoints of members and far less to the ceremonial functions of officers
is just one of many changes that have been suggested by reform-minded union
advocates. They note that simply opening union newspapers, magazines and
websites to letters-to-the-editor from members would be an important step in
that direction.

The reformers rightly call for more news and less propaganda. They want more
original reporting, particularly investigative reporting. They want dissent
and diversity of opinion, full and open debate about officers¹ performance,
and about contract proposals and negotiations and other vital union matters.

They¹d also like to have union elections reported in an even-handed,
thorough and lively manner, with equal space and attention devoted to
incumbent officers and challengers alike, so that challengers aren¹t treated
as outsiders who are trying to harm the union.

And why shouldn¹t those dissident union caucuses that put out their own
publications have space in the regular union outlets? Why should they be
treated as hostile outsiders?

The open debate and full rank-and-file participation sought by reformers is
not unknown in unions. That often goes on at union meetings, after all.
Members generally don¹t hesitate to voice conflicting opinions on how to
approach particular issues and solve particular problems, nor fail to offer
serious criticism of their officers¹ positions. Yet you rarely read about
that in a union publication. What you¹ll likely read is the formal position
taken by the union leadership after the debate and a vote, usually along
with a call for all members to support the position, without much
explanation of the alternatives suggested at the meeting by their fellow
members.

Yes, it can be risky to bring internal dissent into the open and possibly
give ammunition to the union¹s enemies, But the risk is a price that has to
be paid if union members are to be effectively reached. Otherwise, they may
not read very much of what is put out by their union or actively support
much of what they do read about. They have to be interested, involved
participants, not merely dues payers.

Reaching union members can be difficult. Television, radio, the Internet,
newspapers and magazines -- underground, overground, daily, weekly, monthly,
general, specialized ­ all are vying for the attention of union members as
of everyone else, and using ever more sophisticated techniques to do it.

Reaching out is costly, too. That¹s a particularly serious concern in these
days of dwindling incomes for many unions that already has led to a steady
decline in the number of union publications nationwide.

But however expensive, difficult and risky the task might be, it¹s among the
most important of those that unions must undertake if they are to attract
the active new members and supporters they need in order to regain and
increase the strength, numbers and influence they have lost in recent years.
It¹s one of the tasks that must be shouldered if the labor movement is to
bring full democratic rights as well as renewed and increased economic and
political strength to the nation's working people.

Copyright © 2006 Dick Meister



 

 

 

 

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